2005-2006 | OZR
Empirisch onderzoek stelt geregeld een sterke samenhang vast tussen smaken enerzijds, opvattingen en houdingen anderzijds. Voor die samenhang reiken verschillende theorieen verschillende verklaringen aan. Ten eerste zijn er de theorieen die de nadruk leggen op de invloed van de ouders: wat men het eerst heeft aangeleerd, blijft de grootste invloed uitoefenen. Ten tweede zijn er de theorieen die smaken beschouwen als elementen van groepsbinding. De relatie tussen smaken en opvattingen ontstaat volgens deze theorieen omdat de door de smaken tot groep verbonden individuen een socialisatiemilieu vormen waarin ook opvattingen en overtuigingen zich kunnen verspreiden. Deze twee groepen van theorieen leiden naar nieuwe pistes in het denken over samenhang tussen sociale en culturele structuren. Geen van beide draagt echter inhoudelijke redenen aan voor een welbepaalde samenhang. Een eerste luik vandit onderzoek zal ook bestaan uit een grondige studie en systematisering van de in de sociologie en in nauw verwante disciplines, aanwezige inzichten enerzijds, opvattingen en houdingen anderzijds. In een tweede luik zullen de toetsbare implicaties van de stellingen via secundaire analyses op gegevens over jongeren getest worden. Tenslotte zal tevens de relatieve invloed van verschillende socialisatievelden op de smaken en houdingen van de jongeren geanalyseerd worden. Hiertoe zal gebruik gemaakt worden van verschillende databanken waarin uitvoering werd ingegaan op houdingen, smaken, patronen van sociale participatie patronen van relatievorming, mediagebruik en vrijetijdsbesteding en dat, althans voor twee databanken, zowel voor jongeren als hun ouders.
Empirical research regularly reveals strong correlations between measures of taste, on the one hand, indicators of values and attitudes, on the other hand. Different theories offer quite divergent explanations for these correlations. In the current state of our stocktaking of the relevant literature, we discern three groups of theories or types of explanation.
There are, firstly, the theories which emphasize parental influence: the first thing that is learned continues to exert a great influence on what is acquired later. What is learned first constitutes a filter, selecting primarily the values, attitudes, views and tastes that are consistent or build upon what was already acquired. It implies a strong influence of the values and tastes of the parents.
Secondly, there are theories which consider taste as an element which binds groups together. According to these theories, the relationship between individuals bound together in a group by their tastes creates an environment for socialization in which views and convictions can also be disseminated. In the theories referring to primary frameworks of interaction (based on face-to-face contact), it is possible to identify different stands. Some authors approach the taking over of cultural elements mainly as a way of acquiring identity. Another version unfolds around the fertile concepts of symbolic boundary and other authors build on Bourdieu's related concept of distinction.
All of these theories lead to significant lines of thought with regard to the interrelationship between social and cultural structures. However, none of them provide inherent reasons for a particular relationship. Any symbol can become a mark of distinction supposes a nonarbitrary relationship between the complexity of the symbolic structure and the cognitive capacity to use it. An approach that does contribute specific, non-contingent and content-related selection criteria, is based on the neo-Durkheimian sociology of culture. The basic tenet of this theory is that there is a correspondence or isomorphism between different cultural classifications. According to this theory, people opt for the cultural expressions which fit together, and correspond to the position which they believe they have in society.
The project proposed here has three aims:
1) a thorough study and systematic classification of the insights, statements and conclusions found in sociology and closely related disciplines with regard to the correlation between tastes, on the one hand, and views and attitudes, on the other hand.
2) an examination of the hypotheses which can be examined, on the basis of a secondary analysis of survey data concerning young people.
3) Because the hypotheses that will have to be tested make it necessary to distinguish the effects of the family of origin, the school context, the peer group, different forms of social contacts, and the mass media, an attempt will also be made to gauge the relative influence of these distinct environments or fields of socialization on the tastes and attitudes of young people.
Different data sets will be used to analyse this. These data sets contain detailed information about attitudes, taste, patterns of social participation, patterns of social relationships, the use of media and leisure time. For two data sets, this information was collected for both young people and their parents. One of these data sets contains information on 13000 youngsters and 7000 parents.
